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THE 

CATHOLIC  HISTORICAL 

REVIEW 

FOR  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  CHURCH  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Volume  VI  APRIL,  1920  Number  1 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

The  American  Catholic  Historical  Association 

Rev.  Peter  Guilday,  Ph.D.      3 

A  Long  Misunderstood  Episode  in  American  History 

H  Rev.  V.  F.  O'Daniel,  O.P.     15 

The  Jesuits  in  Baja  California  (1697-1768) 

Charles  E.  Chapman,  Ph.D.    46 


Miscellany 

The  Earliest  Record  on  the  Franciscan  Missions  in  America 

Rev.  L.  Oliger,  O.F.M.       59 

Documents 

Some  Letters  of  Fathers  Badin  and  Nerinckx  to  Bishop  Carroll 

Rev.  V.  F.  O'Daniel,  O.P.       66 
Book  Reviews 89 

(For  a  complete  list  of  Reviews  see  next  page) 

Notes  and  Comment — The  Technique  of  Ecclesiastical  Biography    -  121 

Bibliography — Guide  to  the  Biographical  Sources  of  the  American  Hierarchy 

Rev.  Peter  Guilday,  Ph.D.     128 
Books  Received 133 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE  CATHOLIC  UNIVERSITY  OF  AMERICA 

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COPYRIGHT,  1920,  BY  THE  CATHOLIC  UNIVERSITY  OF  AMERICA 


REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS 


PACK 

O'DANIEL—  Very  Rev.  Charles  H.  McKenna,  0.  P.,  by  Bishop  Shahan  -    -  89 

BIXBY— Peter  Sailly  (1754-1826),  by  Thomas  F.  Meehan 92 

McMASTER—  The  United  States  inthe  World  War,by^m.LeuuB.Ttz      -     -  98 

POWERS — America  Among  the  Nations,  by  Leo  Stock 95 

STEINEB — Henry  Barnard,  by  Patrick  McCormick    -     - 99 

FORBES-RUSSELL — California,  by  Herbert  I.  Priestley 100 

SHACKLETON— Book  of  Philadelphia,  by  Hugh  T.  Henry 104 

BOUCHER — Nullification   Controversy  in  South  Carolina, 

by  Charles  H.  McCarthy  109 

LEE — History  of  American  Journalism,  by  PaulJ.  Foik Ill 

PINE — A  Glory  of  Maryland,  by  Lucien  Johnston      -- 119 

COLE — Centennial  History  of  Illinois:  Era  of  the  Civil  War, 

by  J.  B.  Culemans  113 

Studies  in  the  Old  South,  by  F.  J.  Magri 117 


BOARD  OF  EDITORS 

Editor-in-Chief 
RIGHT  REV.  THOMAS  J.  SHAHAN,  D.D., 

Rector  of  the  Catholic  University  of  America 

Associate  Editors 

REV.  PATRICK  J.  HEALY,  D.D.,  Chairman 
REV.  PASCHAL  ROBINSON,  O.F.M.,  D.D. 
Ki.v.  NICHOLAS  A.  WEBER,  S.M.,  D.D. 
VICTOR  F.  O'DANIEL,  O.P.,  S.T.M. 

lVn-;u  GUILDAY,  Ph.D.,  Secretary 


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THE 

CATHOLIC  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 


Volume  VI  APRIL,  1920  Number  1 


PUBLISHED    BY 

THE  CATHOLIC  UNIVERSITY  OF  AMERICA 
WASHINGTON,    D.  C. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


THE  AMERICAN  CATHOLIC  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION   -     Peter  Guilday        3 

A  LONG  MISUNDERSTOOD  EPISODE  IN  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Rev.  V.  F.  O'Daniel,  O.P.       15 

THE  JESUITS  IN  BAJA  CALIFORNIA  (1697-1768) 

Charles  E.  Chapman,  Ph.D.      46 

MISCELLANY: 
The  Earliest  Record  on  the  Franciscan  Missions  in  America 

Rev.  L.  Oliger,  O.F.M.      59 

DOCUMENTS: 
Some  Letters  of  Fathers  Badin  and  Nerinckx  to  Bishop  Carroll 

Rev.  V.  F.  O'Daniel,  O.P.      66 

BOOK  REVIEWS 89 

O'DANIEL,  Very  Rev.  Charles  H.  McKenna,  O.P.;  BIXBY,  Peter  Sailly 
(1754-1826) ;  McM ASTER,  The  United  States  and  the  World  War;  POWERS, 
America  among  the  Nations;  STEINER,  Henry  Barnard;  FORBES-RTJSSELL, 
California;  SHACKLETON,  Book  of  Philadelphia;  BOUCHER,  Nullification 
Controversy  in  South  Carolina;  LEE,  History  of  American  Journalism; 
PINE,  A  Glory  of  Maryland;  COLE,  Centennial  History  of  Illinois;  Era  of 
the  Civil  War;  Studies  in  the  Old  South. 

NOTES  AND  COMMENT,  The  Technique  of  Ecclesiastical  Biography    -     -     -     121 

BIBLIOGRAPHY,  Guide  to  the  Biographical  Sources  of  the  American  Hierarchy    128 

'Peter  Guilday 

BOOKS  RECEIVED        - ..-.    133 


NATIONAL  CAPITAL  PRESS,  INC.,  WASHINGTON,  D. 


FATHERS  BADIN  AND  NERINCKX  45 

or  scandal.  As  long  as  men,  even  clergymen  (be  they  ever  so 
good),  remain  in  this  land  of  trial  and  probation,  such  things  will 
occasionally  happen.  Saints  Augustine  and  Jerome  are  an 
example  in  point.  Fathers  Badin  and  Nerinckx  were  ever  the 
attacking  parties;  the  others  necessarily  on  the  defensive.  We 
have  dwelt  on  the  unpleasantness  at  some  length,  much  against 
our  liking,  only  because  misrepresentation,  the  interest  of  true 
history  and  a  just  defense  obliged  us  to  such  a  course.  Though 
the  affair  can  hardly  fail  to  throw  something  of  a  shadow  on  the 
names  of  two  ambassadors  of  Christ  which  we  should  like  to  see 
glow  with  all  possible  luster,  it  casts  no  serious  reflection  on  their 
character.  Neither  does  it  detract  from  their  reputation  for 
piety  and  apostolic  zeal. 

Few  priests,  we  venture  to  believe,  can  examine  the  docu- 
ments in  the  case  and  fail  to  pronounce  the  teachings  and  prac- 
tice of  the  Dominicans  not  only  kindlier,  but  saner,  more  Catholic 
and  better  calculated  to  bear  good  fruits.  Unlike  Father  Hewlett, 
who  deftly  insinuates  that  it  is  a  question  whether  these  friars 
were  a  real  benefit  to  the  missions,  those  in  possession  of  first- 
hand evidence  will  be  constrained  to  declare  the  presence  of  the 
Dominicans  in  Kentucky  at  that  time  an  undisguisable  blessing 
to  both  the  Church  and  the  people  of  the  state.47  That  they  were 
regarded  as  such  a  blessing  by  the  Catholics  at  large,  no  bad 
judges,  we  think  undeniable  history.  As  tells  us  a  traveller, 
writing  from  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky,  January  14,  1825,  Fen- 
wick  and  Wilson,  the  two  fathers  specially  censured  by  the 
Belgian  and  French  missionaries,  were  idols  in  the  State.  They 
won  the  hearts  of  all — the  former  by  his  zeal  and  "engaging  and 
unaffected  manners,"  the  latter  by  his  "moderation  and  exten- 
sive ecclesiastical  learning."48 

It  is  with  a  feeling  of  no  little  relief  that  we  now  close  this 
ungrateful  article.  It  has  been  written,  we  repeat,  solely  in  vin- 
dication of  good  men  who  have  been  unjustly  maligned. 

REV.  VICTOR  F.  O'DANIEL,  O.P.,  S.T.M., 

Washington,  D.  C. 

47  HOWLETT,  Life  of  Rev.  Charles  Nerinckx,  pp.   1 63-164.     Although  this  bio- 
grapher is  not  so  unfair  as  Father  Maes,  one  must  needs  be  blind  not  to  read  his 
thoughts  between  the  lines.     It  is  indeed  strange  that  neither  of  these  authors  could 
find  time  to  say  a  single  good  word  of  the  future  bishop  of  Cincinnati  and  his  com- 
panions in  religion. 

48  United  States jCatholic  Miscellany.  July  20,  1825. 


di  VW$L 


THE  JESUITS  IN  BAJA  CALIFORNIA,  1697-1768 

The  occupation  of  either  of  the  Californias  by  the  sea  route, 
rather  than  by  following  the  line  of  overland  progress  to  the 
junction  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado  rivers  (thence  branching  out 
southward  to  the  peninsula  and  northwestward  to  Monterey), 
represented  a  departure  from  the  normal  course,  necessitating 
extraordinary  efforts  for  a  successful  achievement.  Yet  both 
regions  were  settled  and  maintained  as  an  overseas  venture, 
and  one  of  them,  Baja  California,  served  in  some  degree  as  a  pre- 
liminary base  for  the  acquisition  of  the  other.  Credit  for  the 
occupation  of  Baja  California  belongs  jointly  to  the  Jesuits  and 
the  Spanish  government,  which  cooperated  to  bring  it  about 
and  especially  to  maintain  the  initial  gains  made  at  their  own 
expense  by  the  Jesuits.  The  Jesuits,  however,  are  entitled  to 
principal  recognition  as  the  active  agents  of  the  crown  who  suc- 
ceeded in  an  enterprise  which  for  nearly  two  centuries  had  had 
an  almost  unbroken  record  of  failure. 

The  disappointment  of  the  government  over  the  outcome  of 
the  Atondo  colony  in  1685  disposed  it  for  the  moment  against 
incurring  further  expense  in  the  Californias,  but  it  was  almost 
immediately  reminded  of  the  desirability  of  Spanish  occupation 
by  the  appearance  of  Pichilingues.  In  this  case  the  "deep- 
voiced"  foreigners  were  English  freebooters  under  Swan  and 
Townley,  who  came  up  the  coast  in  1685-1686  in  search  of  the 
Manila  galleon.  Swan  tried  to  reach  Cape  San  Lucas,  but 
failed  on  account  of  the  age-long  difficulty  of  the  contrary  winds. 
He  therefore  turned  about  and  made  for  the  East  Indies.  The 
galleon  was  not  taken,  but  the  government  was  again  roused  to 
action.  It  was  believed,  however,  that  a  new  method  of  con- 
quest should  be  tried,  and  therefore  in  1686  an  offer  of  40,000 
pesos  a  year  was  made  to  the  Jesuits  to  undertake  it;  since  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians,  rather  than  wealth  in  pearls  or  the 
development  of  rich  lands,  was  their  primary  aim,  it  was  hoped 
that  they  might  succeed  where  others  had  not  been  able  to  do  so. 
The  royal  government  might  indeed  have  commanded  the  Jesuits 
to  do  this  work,  but  in  the  nature  of  things  it  was  essential  to 

46 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA   CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  47 

have  their  free  consent.  Thus  when  the  Jesuits  declined,  on 
grounds  of  the  wretchedness  of  the  land  and  the  small  number 
of  Indians,  the  government  did  not  press  the  matter.  The  sug- 
gestion was  soon  to  bear  fruit,  however.  It  was  after  the  Jesuit 
refusal  that  the  government  made  the  already  mentioned  plan 
to  finance  Atondo  again,  a  plan  which  came  to  naught. 

The  revival  of  the  idea  of  a  Jesuit  conquest  was  due  to  two 
religious  of  that  order,  Fathers  Eusebio  Francisco  Kino  and  Juan 
Maria  Salvatierra.  As  a  member  of  the  Atondo  expedition 
Father  Kino  had  developed  an  enthusiasm  for  Jesuit  penetration 
into  the  Calif ornias  which  became  one  of  the  abiding  aims  of  his  life. 
Upon  his  return  from  the  San  Bruno  colony  he  had  been  sent  to 
Sonora,  where  in  1687  he  had  crossed  the  Altar  River  to  found  a 
mission  at  Dolores  in  Pimeria  Alta.  It  was  there  that  he  met 
Salvatierra,  who  had  been  sent  out  by  the  Jesuit  Order  as 
visitador,  or  inspector,  of  the  missions  in  that  region.  Kino 
imbued  Salvatierra  with  his  enthusiasm,  and  the  latter  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  movement  for  a  Jesuit  occupation  of  Baja 
California.  The  time  was  unusually  unpropitious,  for  Spain 
was  then  prostrate  before  France  in  a  great  war  which  was  not 
yet  finished  but  was  virtually  decided.  Not  only  the  govern- 
ment but  also  the  higher  Jesuit  officials  opposed  the  plan,  but  in 
1696  help  came  from  the  fountain-head  of  Jesuit  power.  In  that 
year  Father  Santaella,  General  of  the  Order,  was  in  Mexico  City. 
He  favored  the  project.  It  was  therefore  not  hard  to  procure 
a  license  from  the  government,  which  had  so  long  desired  the 
achievement  of  this  very  aim,  but  the  proviso  was  attached  to 
its  consent  that  the  Jesuits  must  find  the  funds.  Early  in  1697 
Salvatierra  was  empowered  to  raise  them,  if  he  could,  by  private 
subscription.  Salvatierra  was  assisted  in  his  project  by  Father 
Juan  de  Ugarte,  a  member  of  the  Jesuit  college  of  Mexico  City, 
and  it  was  this  individual  who  now  began  his  important  services 
on  behalf  of  the  Californias  by  suggesting  the  establishment  of  the 
Pious  Fund  of  the  Californias.  This  institution  provided  for  the 
collection  of  funds  from  pious  individuals  and  for  their  employment 
in  the  founding  and  maintenance  of  missions.  The  royal  license  to 
the  Jesuits,  dated  February  5, 1697,  called  for  the  occupation  of  the 
Californias  by  the  Jesuits  at  their  own  expense  (assisted  by  the 
Pious  Fund).  The  most  striking  feature  of  the  contract  was  the 


48  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

provision  that  the  entire  enterprise  was  to  be  under  Jesuit  control ; 
not  only  were  they  to  have  charge  of  spiritual  interests,  but  they 
were  also  to  hire  and  command  the  soldiers  and  such  other  offi- 
cials or  helpers  as  they  might  need.  This  was  something  new 
in  California  history,  though  it  had  been  tried  elsewhere  in 
Spanish  dominions,  notably  in  Paraguay,  with  success.  The 
one  check  on  Jesuit  authority  was  the  requirement  that  the  con- 
quest should  be  made  in  the  name  of  the  king  and  subject  to  the 
orders  of  the  viceroy  or  other  higher  representatives  of  the 
crown. 

Salvatierra  met  with  many  discouragements  in  getting  his 
expedition  under  way.  He  found  that  insufficient  provisions 
had  been  supplied.  Then  Fathers  Kino  and  Piccolo,  whom  he 
had  intended  to  take  with  him,  did  not  appear  at  the  rendezvous; 
Kino  was  detained  permanently  in  Pimeria  Alta,  but  Piccolo 
eventually  joined  Salvatierra,  though  not  until  after  the  latter 
had  reached  Baja  California.  Though  affairs  were  not  in  such 
a  state  as  he  could  have  wished  them  to  be,  Salvatierra  resolved 
to  go  anyway;  so  he  gathered  together  his  "army"  of  six  men 
and  started.  The  voyage  was  made  in  two  small  crafts,  which 
endeavored  to  cross  from  the  Sinaloa  coast  to  the  peninsula. 
Salvatierra's  boat  got  across  the  gulf  in  a  single  day,  sailing  on 
October  10,  1697,  and  arriving  on  the  llth.  The  other  boat 
was  caught  in  a  storm,  and  did  not  reach  its  destination  until 
November  15,  over  a  month  later. 

On  October  18,  after  a  week's  search,  Salvatierra  picked  out 
a  site  about  a  third  of  the  way  up  the  peninsula  which  Captain 
Romero  said  he  had  visited  two  years  before — on  a  voyage  of 
\\liich  otherwise  there  is  no  record,  unless  Romero  was  in  fact 
referring  to  the  Itamarra  voyage  of  1694.  At  this  place,  to 
which  the  name  Loreto  was  given,  was  now  established  the  first 
permanent  European  settlement  of  the  Calif ornias.  A  fort  was 
made,  with  the  provisions  as  bulwarks,  and  a  tiny  swivel-gun 
was  mounted.  There  were  many  natives  in  the  vicinity,  and 
they  helped  in  the  work  of  preparing  the  camp,  receiving  gifts 
of  porridge  and  maize.  Salvatierra  was  a  very  busy  man  in  the 
early  days  of  the  colony.  He  was  priest,  officer,  sentry,  gov- 
ernor of  the  province,  and  cook  for  the  army  rolled  into  one. 
Yet  he  found  time  to  study  the  native  tongue  and  to  conduct 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA    CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  49 

religious  services  from  the  first.  The  Indians  were  invited  to 
attend,  and  were  given  an  extra  allotment  of  porridge  when  they 
did.  Trouble  soon  developed,  however,  on  the  part  of  the  un- 
converted. They  wanted  as  much  porridge  as  the  converts 
received,  and  furthermore  began  to  steal  things  about  the  camp. 
Their  dissatisfaction  at  length  reached  such  proportions  that  on 
the  first  of  November  they  issued  demands  for  porridge.  For 
several  days  the  Spaniards  thought  it  best  to  accede  to  their 
demands,  as  the  second  ship  had  not  arrived,  and  their  forces 
were  hopelessly  insufficient.  Meanwhile  they  became  exhausted 
with  watching,  for  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians,  emboldened 
by  their  success,  planned  to  rush  the  camp.  At  last,  on  No- 
vember 12,  the  attack  came.  The  Spaniards  felt  that  it  was 
time  to  use  the  swivel-gun.  They  did  so,  and  one  famous  shot 
was  fired — but  the  result  was  very  different  from  what  they 
could  have  hoped.  The  gun  burst  and  killed  two  Spaniards, 
while  the  Indians  received  no  harm.  Seeing  what  had  taken 
place  the  Indians  charged.  All  seemed  over  now,  but  the  Span- 
iards prepared  to  sell  their  lives  dearly.  They  fired  their  muskets 
point-blank  at  the  Indians,  and  several  of  the  latter  were  killed. 
A  new  light  dawned  upon  the  Indians,  and  they  came  to  a  sudden 
unanimous,  and  simultaneous  decision  to  run  the  other  way. 
The  battle  was  over.  The  next  day  thfe  Indians  sued  for  peace. 
Two  days  later,  on  the  15th,  the  second  boat  (the  one  which  had 
left  Sinaloa  at  the  same  time  as  Salvatierra's)  reached  Loreto, 
and  on  the  23d,  the  first  boat  (which  had  been  sent  back  to  New 
Spain)  came  in,  bringing  Father  Piccolo.  Success  now  seemed 
likely.  All  the  Indians  appeared  to  want  conversion,  and  mani- 
festly desired  porridge,  but  Salvatierra  insisted  upon  more  in- 
struction and  greater  proofs  of  their  sincerity.  The  conquerors 
were  now  eighteen  in  number,  two  religious,  seven  soldiers,  five 
sailors,  and  four  Christian  Indians  from  the  mainland — a  force 
that  was  large  enough  to  cope  with  the  Indians  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, numerous  as  they  were. 

Salvatierra's  rectorship,  or  presidency,  of  the  Baja  California 
missions  (carrying  with  it  the  government  of  the  province)  lasted 
until  his  death,  in  1717.  The  events  of  these  twenty  years  are 
typical  of  frontier  life  and  are  representative  also  of  the  course 
of  affairs  in  the  later  period  of  Jesuit  rule.  The  first  five  years 


50  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

were  a  particularly  crucial  period,  for  the  entire  weight  of  re- 
sponsibility fell  upon  Salvatierra  and  his  co-workers  at  this  time, 
without  more  aid  from  the  king  than  the  royal  good  will.  The 
Pious  Fund  did  especially  effective  service  in  these  years,  with 
the  result  that  the  number  of  soldiers  was  increased,  supplies 
made  adequate  and  regular  in  shipment,  and  more  buildings 
erected.  In  1699  the  mission  of  San  Javier  was  founded  south 
of  Loreto,  at  a  fertile  site,  and  Father  Piccolo  went  there  as 
missionary.  In  the  early  years  the  Indians  were  occasionally 
hostile,  being  stirred  to  resistance  by  their  native  priests,  or 
medicine-men,  whose  profession  was  of  course  frowned  upon  by 
the  Jesuits.  But  the  fiery  Captain  Tortolero  proved  himself 
to  be  a  Californian  Miles  Standish  and  was  able  to  keep  the 
Indians  in  hand.  They  displayed  no  enthusiasm  for  conversion, 
however;  on  Palm  Sunday  of  1698  Salvatierra  planned  to  re- 
present a  dinner  of  the  twelve  apostles,  with  Indians  filling  the 
r61e  of  the  apostles,  but  only  two  Indians  put  in  an  appearance. 
There  were  also  the  inevitable  quarrels  of  religious  and  military, 
especially  between  Salvatierra  and  Tortolero's  successor,  Men- 
doza,  though  in  this  case  the  Jesuits  clearly  had  authority. 
Mendoza  wanted  to  employ  more  summary  methods  against 
the  Indians  and  also  to  use  the  soldiers  in  fishing  for  pearls. 
Despite  the  risk  involved,  Salvatierra  did  not  hesitate  to  settle 
the  matter  by  discharging  eighteen  of  his  thirty  soldiers. 

The  most  serious  difficulty  arose  over  the  inadequacy  of  the 
Pious  Fund  for  the  needs  of  the  colony,  and  furthermore  the 
amount  of  gifts  to  the  Fund  fell  away,  due  to  the  charges  of  the 
disappointed  soldiery  and  the  pearl-fishers.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
that  obscure  seekers  of  pearls  were  a  constant  factor  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  province.  The  Jesuits  complained  against  them, 
because  they  forced  the  Indians  to  dive  for  pearls,  and  conse- 
quently the  religious  would  not  sell  provisions  to  these  hunters 
of  under-sea  treasure.  The  government,  however,  encouraged 
the  pearl-fishers,  and  by  a  decree  of  1703  waived  the  old  idea  of 
the  monopoly;  the  effective  occupation  of  the  Calif ornias,  by 
whatever  means  it  might  be  brought  about,  was  what  the  gov- 
ernment wanted.  When  it  became  evident  that  the  Jesuits  could 
not  sustain  themselves  without  royal  aid,  the  king  and  his  coun- 
cillors came  to  the  rescue.  Philip  V  himself  attended  a  session 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA   CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  51 

of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  in  1702  at  which  it  was  decided  to 
grant  a  subsidy  of  6,000  pesos  a  year  and  two  additional  mis- 
sionaries (naturally,  at  royal  expense).  Shortly  afterward  an 
additional  7,000  pesos,  thirty  soldiers,  and  religious  vestments 
were  added  by  the  king;  and  in  later  years  the  royal  subsidy 
reached  as  high  as  30,000  pesos  a  year,  thus  providing  for  the 
soldiers,  sailors,  and  missionaries.  With  this  aid  the  Pious  Fund 
was  able  to  furnish  the  rest.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  there  was 
almost  no  financial  return  on  the  royal  investment  and  that 
expensive  wars  in  Europe  were  all  along  taxing  the  treasury  to 
its  uttermost.  Yet  the  Spanish  government,  though  occa- 
sionally behindhand  in  its  payments,  made  what  was,  for  the 
times,  a  generous  allowance  to  maintain  and  extend  the  con- 
quests in  the  Californias,  primarily  because  of  their  strategic 
importance  with  reference  to  the  rich  kingdom  of  New  Spain. 

Another  important  factor  of  a  permanent  variety  was  the 
difficulty  of  communications  with  the  mainland.  Many  instances 
of  delays  and  wreck  occasioned  by  the  storms  of  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia have  already  been  noted.  In  Salvatierra's  time  about  one 
ship  a  year  was  lost  by  wreck.  Salvatierra  became  convinced 
that  it  would  be  much  better  to  develop  a  supply-route  by  way 
of  Sonora,  and  in  1701  visited  Kino  in  Pimeria  Alta  to  discuss 
the  matter.  As  a  result,  plans  were  made  for  joint  expeditions 
from  Sonora  and  Baja  California  to  see  whether  there  were  a 
practicable  trail.  It  was  impossible  to  do  this  by  boat,  as  the 
number  of  wrecks  left  the  Jesuits  with  an  insufficient  fleet  of 
vessels,  and  the  contrary  winds  were  too  difficult  a  factor  to 
overcome  readily.  Explorations  were  made  by  land  to  the  end 
of  Jesuit  rule,  but  never  quite  reached  the  Colorado  from  the  side 
of  Baja  California  or  the  settled  part  of  the  peninsula  from  the 
side  of  Sonora.  It  is  important,  however,  that  the  need  for 
such  a  route  was  recognized;  Baja  California  was  in  fact  at  the 
extremity  of  an  overland  advance,  occupied  as  the  result  of 
special  circumstances  before  the  intervening  spaces. 

The  greatest  of  the  Baja  California  Jesuits,  undoubtedly, 
was  Father  Salvatierra,  but  second  only  to  him  stood  Father 
Juan  de  Ugarte.  It  was  Ugarte  who  organized  the  work  of  the 
Pious  Fund,  but  he  was  not  content  with  the  task  of  adminis- 
tering that  institution;  he  wanted  to  be  an  active  toiler  in  the 


52  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

field.  So  in  1701  be  came  to  Loreto.  Father  Piccolo  had  just  been 
driven  away  from  San  Javier  by  the  Indians,  but  Ugarte  went 
there  to  restore  the  mission.  Moreover,  confiding  in  his  great 
strength,  for  he  was  a  giant  in  stature,  he  sent  back  the  soldiers 
who  had  gone  there  with  him.  His  reestablished  the  mission 
and,  as  the  site  was  fertile,  put  the  Indians  to  work  at  agricul- 
ture. The  experiment,which  had  not  previously  been  tried, 
was  a  success,  and  in  course  of  time  San  Javier  was  able  to  pro- 
duce a  surplus  for  use  at  the  other  missions.  Ugarte  was  a  man 
who  radiated  enthusiasm,  and  he  was  able  to  succeed  where 
others  would  have  failed.  Patient,  as  a  rule,  he  could  also 
exhibit  a  picturesque  wrath.  On  one  occasion  he  took  an  Indian 
by  the  hair  and  swung  him  around  his  head,  and  on  another 
seized  by  the  hair  two  Indians  who  were  fighting  and  dashed 
them  to  the  ground.  His  bountiful  courage  was  particularly 
useful  in  1701,  the  year  of  his  arrival.  Provisions  got  so  low 
that  even  Salvatierra  was  ready  to  abandon  the  province. 
Ugarte  opposed  and  said  that  he  would  stay,  whatever  the 
others  might  do.  All  stayed  therefore.  Very  soon  they  were 
reduced  to  eating  roots,  but  a  ship  came  in  time  to  save  them. 
Naturally,  upon  the  death  of  Salvatierra,  Ugarte  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him,  and  he  ruled  until  1730,  when  he  died  at  the  age 
of  seventy  years.  His  term  of  office  was  one  of  great  munificence 
to  the  Pious  Fund,  with  the  result  that  more  missions  were 
founded  and  the  establishments  generally  placed  on  a  secure 
basis.  Ugarte  resolved  to  solve  the  riddle  of  the  gulf,  if  gulf  it 
were.  First  it  was  necessary  to  build  a  ship,  for  those  which 
plied  between  the  mainland  and  Loreto  had  proved  unequal  to 
the  northward  voyage.  Scouring  the  land  for  timber,  Ugarte 
found  a  grove  in  an  almost  inaccessible  ravine.  The  builder 
said  that  it  was  not  suitable  for  a  ship,  but  Ugarte  cut  it  anyway, 
and  hauled  it  for  a  hundred  miles  over  mountain  ranges  to  a 
mission  on  the  coast.  The  ship  was  built,  and  named  appro- 
priately the  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz  (Triumph  of  the  Cross).  In  this 
boat  the  venerable  rector,  then  sixty-one  years  of  age,  made  a 
voyage  up  the  gulf,  in  1721,  taking  an  Englishman,  a  certain 
William  Straff ord  (called  Guillermo  Estrafort  in  the  Spanish), 
as  pilot.  Ugarte  proved  that  the  sheet  of  water  upon  which  he 
sailed  was  a  gulf.  Yet  so  persistent  were  the  old  ideas  that  the 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA   CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  53 

voyage  had  to  be  repeated  by  Father  Consag  in  1746.  Then 
at  length  the  legend  of  California's  insularity  was  overthrown 
forever. 

A  serious  Indian  revolt  broke  out  in  1734.  The  Indians  of 
the  Cape  San  Lucas  region  had  always  been  unruly,  and  particu- 
larly objected  to  the  Jesuit  efforts  to  deprive  them  of  their 
institution  of  polygamy.  There  were  only  three  Jesuits  and  six 
soldiers  in  the  south  when  the  rebellion  began,  and  two  of  the 
former  and  four  of  the  latter,  together  with  many  Indian  con- 
verts, were  killed.  In  1735,  when  a  boat  from  the  Manila  galleon 
put  in  at  Cape  San  Lucas,  thirteen  Spaniards  were  massacred. 
The  news  of  these  events  spread  through  the  peninsula,  and  the 
Indians  of  the  north  seemed  on  the  point  of  rising,  wherefore  all 
the  missions,  save  that  of  Loreto,  were  temporarily  abandoned 
in  1735.  Sixty  hard-fighting  Yaqui  Indians  were  brought  over 
from  Sonora,  and  they  saved  the  situation  for  a  time.  Later  in 
the  year  Governor  Huydobro  of  Sonora  came  to  the  peninsula 
and  decisively  defeated  the  Indians  of  the  south.  As  a  result, 
the  revolt  in  the  north  died  before  it  had  fairly  broken  out,  and 
that  of  the  south  lost  force,  though  the  Indians  of  that  quarter 
continued  to  drive  off  cattle  and  to  commit  other  depredations 
for  some  ten  years  more.  Abandonment  of  the  province  had 
been  averted,  however. 

In  1768  the  Jesuits  were  deprived  of  their  position  in  the 
peninsula.  Before  relating  how  this  came  about,  it  is  well  at 
this  point  to  summarize  their  achievements  in  Baja  California. 
As  a  recent  work  puts  it: 

During  their  seventy  years'  sojourn  in  Lower  [or  Baja]  California,  the 
Jesuits  had  charted  the  east  coast  and  explored  the  east  and  west  coasts  of 
the  Peninsula  and  the  islands  adjacent  thereto;  they  had  explored  the 
interior  to  the  thirty-first  parallel  of  north  latitude'  in  a  manner  that  has 
never  been  excelled;  they  had  brought  about  the  institution  of  the  Pious 
Fund ;  they  had  founded  twenty-three — including  the  chapel  of  Jesus  del 
Monte — mission  establishments,  of  which  fourteen  had  proven  successful  ;* 
they  had  erected  structures  of  stone  and  beautified  them;  they  had  for- 
mulated a  system  of  mission  life  never  thereafter  surpassed;  they  had 
not  only  instructed  the  Indians  in  religious  matters,  but  had  taught  them 
many  of  the  useful  arts;  they  had  made  a  network  of  open  trails,  con- 


1  About  a  hundred  miles  south  of  the  present  international  boundary. 

2  Two  of  the  fourteen  were  abandoned  by  the  successors  of  the  Jesuits. 


54  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

necting  the  missions  with  each  other  and  with  Loreto;  they  had  taken 
scientific  and  geographical  notes  concerning  the  country  and  prepared 
ethnological  reports  on  the  native  races;  they  had  cultivated  and  planted 
the  arable  lands  and  inaugurated  a  system  of  irrigation.  .  .  .  Consider- 
ing the  abundance  of  level  land,  th  •?  water  and  tens  of  thousands  of  Indians 
about  them,  the  establishment  by  the  Franciscans  [at  a  later  time]  of 
twenty-one  missions  in  Upper  [or  Alta]  California  during  the  fifty-four 
years  preceding  the  passage  of  the  Secularization  Act,  is  no  circumstance 
to  the  peninsular  work  of  the  Jesuits. 

Finally,  the  Jesuits  of  California  were  men  of  high  education,  many  of 
them  of  gentle  birth;  of  their  labors  in  the  Peninsula  it  has  been  said 
with  truth  that  *  remote  as  was  the  land  and  small  the  nation,  there  are 
few  chapters  hi  the  history  of  the  world  on  which  the  mind  can  turn 
with  so  sincere  an  admiration.'"3 

Aside  from  the  mission-presidio  at  Loreto  and  the  other 
missions  there  were  few  settlements  in  Baja  California  where 
Spaniards  lived.  The  Jesuits  always  resisted  the  entry  of  any 
whites  other  than  themselves  and  their  mission  guards;  they 
even  opposed,  with  success,  several  royal  projects  for  the  found- 
ing of  presidios  on  the  west  coast.  Their  idea,  here  as  in  Para- 
guay, was  that  the  conversion  and  civilization  of  the  native  was 
the  prime  reason  for  their  presence  and  that  these  aims  would 
best  be  attained  if  the  selfish  interests  of  white  settlers  were  not 
allowed  to  complicate  the  situation.  There  was  a  sprinkling  of 
miners,  however,  in  the  south,  and,  as  already  noted,  the  pearl- 
fishers  continued  to  visit  the  coasts.  It  remains  to  deal  in 
somewhat  more  detail  with  the  Pious  Fund. 

The  Pious  Fund  of  the  Californias,  founded  by  Salvatierra 
and  Ugarte  in  1697,  came  to  be,  eventually,  one  of  the  principal 
supports  of  the  missions  of  both  Baja  and  Alta  California.  The 
royal  treasury  never  provided  enough  for  the  needs  of  the  mis- 
sions, which  could  not  have  been  sustained  without  a  much 
larger  governmental  grant  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  assistance 
of  the  Pious  Fund;  for  the  first  few  years,  indeed,  the  Pious 
Fund  was  the  sole  reliance  of  the  Jesuits.  At  the  outset  the 
method  of  handling  was  for  the  donors  to  pay  over  the  interest 
merely,  on  sums  that  they  had  given  but  retained  in  their  pos- 
session. Thus,  a  grant  of  10,000  pesos,  which  was  usually 
regarded  as  the  capital  required  for  the  support  of  one  mission, 

•North,  Arthur  Walbridge,   The  Mother  of  California  (San  Francisco  and  New 
York  11008]),  pp.  44-45. 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA   CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  55 

entailed  payment  of  500  pesos  a  year  as  interest  to  the  Jesuit 
administrator  in  Mexico  City.  One  donor  went  bankrupt,  how- 
ever, and  from  the  year  1716  the  funds  were  paid  over  in  entirety 
and  reinvested,  usually  in  ranches.  The  greatest  benefactor 
was  the  Marques  de  Villapuente.  In  addition  to  providing  sums 
for  the  founding  of  a  number  of  missions,  he  gave  several  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land  in  Tamaulipas,  with  all  the  flocks  and 
buildings  upon  them.  A  certain  Josef  a  Paula  de  Argtielles  gave 
nearly  200,000  pesos,  and  a  member  of  the  great  Borja  (or  Borgia) 
family,  Maria  de  Borja,  Duquesa  de  Gandia,  gave  62,000.  The 
fund  reached  a  total  of  from  500,000  to  1,000,000  pesos,  and 
produced  at  a  rate  of  about  5  per  cent.  A  Jesuit  procurator 
managed  the  estates  and  bought  and  shipped  goods  to  the  mis- 
sionaries in  the  peninsula. 

After  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  had  been  decided  upon  in 
1767,  the  Pious  Fund  was  taken  over  by  the  government,  but 
was  managed  as  a  separate  financial  institution,  with  a  view  to 
carrying  out  the  objects  of  the  original  donors.  It  was  hence- 
forth applied  to  both  Calif ornias.  Occasionally,  too,  funds  were 
devoted  to  other  than  purely  religious  objects,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  expeditions  of  1769  and  1775-1776  to  Alta  California,  both 
of  which  were  provided  for,  in  part,  out  of  the  Pious  Fund.  In 
1836,  the  Mexican  government,  which  had  succeeded  Spain  in 
exercise  of  sovereignty  over  the  Californias,  passed  a  law  that 
the  Fund  should  be  applied  toward  the  expenses  of  a  bishopric  of 
the  Californias,  which,  with  papal  assent,  it  was  proposed  to 
establish.  Thus  the  religious  were  deprived  of  any  further  utili- 
zation of  the  fund.  In  1842  the  Mexican  government  reassumed 
control,  but  announced  that  it  would  employ  the  proceeds  to 
promote  the  civilization  and  conversion  of  the  savages.  Later 
in  the  same  year  the  separate  estates  of  the  Pious  Fund  were 
sold,  and  the  moneys  obtained  were  incorporated  in  the  Mexican 
treasury,  but  the  government  made  formal  acknowledgment  of 
an  indebtedness  for  religious  objects  in  the  Californias  to  the 
extent  of  6  per  cent  a  year  on  the  amount  it  had  received. 

When  the  United  States  took  over  Alta  California  in  1848, 
Mexico  ceased  to  make  further  payments  on  behalf  of  that  terri- 
tory, and  for  many  years  they  lapsed.  In  1868,  a  commission 
met  to  adjust  claims  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 


56  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

and  while  it  was  still  in  session  the  Catholic  authorities  of  Cali- 
fornia put  in  a  claim,  in  1870,  for  a  portion  of  the  income  of  the 
Pious  Fund — so  much  as  would  normally  have  been  Alta  Cali- 
fornia's share.  The  United  States  entered  the  claim,  but  as  no 
agreement  with  Mexico  could  be  reached  the  matter  was  sub- 
mitted to  an  umpire  in  the  person  of  Sir  Edward  Thornton. 
This  gentleman  rendered  a  decision  in  1875,  calling  for  payment 
by  Mexico  of  6  per  cent  annually  on  one-half  the  value  of  the 
fund,  on  the  theory  that  Alta  and  Baja  California  were  equally 
entitled.  His  decision  covered  the  twenty-one  year  period  from 
1848  to  1869,  and  required  payment  by  Mexico  of  $904,070.99, 
or  $43,050.99  a  year.  Mexico  paid,  but  announced  that  any 
future  claim  for  arrears  would  be  inadmissible,  a  contention  with 
which  the  United  States  did  not  agree.  In  1891  the  United 
States  put  in  a  claim  for  the  arrears  since  1869,  but  Mexico 
declined  to  honor  the  claim.  In  1902,  however,  the  two  coun- 
tries consented  to  a  submission  of  the  case  to  the  arbitral  tribunal 
at  the  Hague — the  first  case  ever  acted  upon  by  that  body. 
The  court  gave  a  unanimous  decision  that  Mexico  should  pay 
the  accrued  interest,  which  by  that  time  amounted  to  $1,420,- 
682.67,  and  also  that  Mexico  should  forever  pay  over  the  sum 
of  $43,050.99  each  year  on  the  second  of  February.  The  money  is 
payable  to  the  United  States,  which  of  course  recognizes  its 
obligation  to  give  the  full  amount  to  the  Catholic  Church  in 
California.  Mexico  has  again  fallen  in  arrears,  and  the  matter 
of  the  Pious  Fund  has  taken  its  place  as  one  of  the  perennial 
unpaid  claims  of  this  country  against  Mexico.  As  for  the  share 
due  Baja  California,  Mexico  has  long  since  ceased  to  make  pay- 
ments. Thus  strangely  does  the  course  of  history  take  its  way. 
Who  could  have  foreseen  such  a  varied  career  for  that  heritage 
from  the  missionary  zeal  of  Salvatierra  and  Ugarte,  the  Pious 
Fund  of  the  Calif ornias! 

In  1767,  the  Spanish  government  issued  a  decree  expelling  the 
Jesuits  from  all  of  their  dominions.  The  causes  for  this  action 
had  scarcely  anything  to  do  with  Jesuit  activities  in  Baja  Cali- 
fornia, though  there,  as  elsewhere,  charges  were  filed  against 
them.  It  was  merely  part  of  a  world-wide  movement  in  Catholic 
countries  against  the  Jesuits,  growing  largely  out  of  a  fear  that 
the  Jesuits  were  planning  a  great  revolution  against  the  absolute 


THE   JESUITS   IN   BAJA   CALIFORNIA,    1697-1768  57 

monarchs  of  Europe.  Portugal  and  France  had  already  expelled 
the  Jesuits,  and  Naples  followed  the  lead  of  these  countries  and 
Spain  in  1767;  indeed  the  Pope  was  induced  to  suppress  the 
Jesuit  Order  in  1773,  though  it  was  later  restored.  It  is  there- 
fore futile  to  go  into  the  question  of  the  justice  of  this  decision 
as  affecting  the  Jesuits  of  Baja  California,  as  the  complaints  of 
their  detractors,  which  were  in  a  great  part  false  or  very  greatly 
exaggerated,  had  no  real  bearing  on  the  case.  In  Baja  Cali- 
fornia, as  in  all  other  Spanish  domains,  great  secrecy  was  ob- 
served in  carrying  out  the  decree,  and  no  hint  of  what  was  coming 
was  given.  In  September,  1767,  Captain  Gaspar  de  Pertola 
(a  native  of  Catalonia)  arrived  in  the  province  with  a  com- 
mission as  governor.  He  called  the  Jesuits  together,  and  on 
February  3,  1768,  they  were  sent  out  of  the  peninsula.  The 
Indians,  it  seems,  made  great  manifestations  of  grief,  and  well 
they  might,  for  their  future  in  other  hands  was  to  be  less  happy 
than  it  had  been  under  Salvatierra  and  his  successors. 

The  Franciscans  of  the  College  of  San  Fernando,4  Mexico  City, 
had  been  offered  the  California  field  in  June,  1767,  and  had 
accepted,  but  it  was  not  until  April,  1768,  that  its  first  mission- 
aries actually  arrived  in  the  peninsula.  Meanwhile,  the  missions 
had  been  turned  over  to  military  commissioners,  who  gave  very 
little  thought  to  the  Indians  and  very  much  to  a  search  for  the 
vast  treasure  that  the  Jesuits  were  reputed  to  have  accumulated. 
As  a  result  the  missions  were  nearly  ruined,  and  the  Indians  were 
left  in  sad  straits,  while  little  or  no  treasure  was  found.  At  the 
head  of  the  Franciscans  who  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1768  was 
Junipero  Serra,  the  appointee  of  the  college  as  president  of  tin* 
missions,  then  in  his  fifty-fifth  year.  The  conditions  under  which 
he  took  up  his  presidency  were  very  different  from  those  of  the 
Jesuit  era.  Not  only  was  the  government  of  the  province  for- 
ever removed  from  mission  control,  but  also  the  temporalities  of 
the  missions — that  is,  the  flocks,  crops,  and  economic  resources 

4  The  College  of  San  Fernando  was  not  a  "college"  as  that  word  is  ordinarily 
understood  in  this  country.  It  was  one  of  several  Franciscan  institutions,  such  as 
the  colleges  of  Queretaro,  Jalisco,  and  Zacatecas,  which  served  as  an  administrative 
center  for  missionary  work  and  as  a  home  for  missionaries  without  employment  or 
for  those  who  had  retired  from  active  service.  The  College  of  San  Fernando,  which 
was  destined  to  supply  all  of  the  missionaries  of  Altu,  California,  in  the  Spanish  era 
and  most  of  those  in  the  Mexican,  was  founded  in  1734. 


58  CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  PH.D. 

in  general — were  left  in  the  hands  of  the  military  commissioners. 
Only  the  church  properties  and  spiritual  authority  were  to  be  in 
charge  of  the  Franciscans.  The  military  men  had  proved  to  be 
self-seeking  or  else  incompetent,  so  that  the  missions  seemed 
doomed  to  fail.  Not  having  food  or  clothing  to  give  the  Indians, 
the  missionaries  could  not  attract  the  unconverted  or  even  hold 
the  former  proteges  of  the  Jesuits.  Later,  in  1768,  Jose  de  Galvez, 
visitador  (or  royal  inspector)  of  all  New  Spain,  arrived  in  the 
peninsula,  and  one  of  his  first  reforms  was  to  give  back  the  tem- 
poralities to  missionary  control.  With  this,  the  new  regime  in 
the  Californias,  that  of  the  typical  frontier  province,  may  fairly 
be  said  to  have  been  installed. 

CHARLES  E.  CHAPMAN,  Ph.D., 

University  of  California, 
Berkeley,  Cat. 


The 

American  Catholic  Historical 
Association 

(Organized  December  30,  1919,  Cleveland,  Ohio) 

LAWRENCE  F.  FLICK,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  President, 
Philadelphia,  Pa. 

REV.  RICHARD  H.  TIERNEY,  S.  J.,  First  Vice-President, 
New  York  City. 

REV  .[VICTOR  O'DANIEL,  O.P.,  S.T.  M.,  Second  Vice-President, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

CARLTON  J.  H.  HAYES,  Ph.D.,  Secretary, 

Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

RT.  REV.  THOMAS  C.  O'REILLY,  D.D.,  V.G.,  Treasurer, 
Cleveland,  Ohio. 

REV.  PETER  GUILDAY,  Ph.  D.,  Archivist, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Executive  Council: 

(The  foregoing  officers,  with  the  following) 
RT.  REV.  JOSEPH  F.  MOONEY,  D.  D.,  V.  G.,  New  York  City. 
REV.  GILBERT  P.  JENNINGS,  LL.  D.,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 
REV.  C.  M.  SOUVAY,  C.  M.,  D.  D.,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
RKV.  WILLIAM  BUSCH,  L.Sc.  M.H.,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 
REV.  ZEPHYRIN  ENGELHARDT,  O.  F.  M.,  Santa  Barbara,  Calif. 


FROM  THE  CONSTITUTION: 

Section  I II.  "Any  person  approved  by  the  Executive  Council 
may  become  a  Member  of  the  Association.  The  annual  membership 
fee  shall  be  three  dollars.  On  payment  of  fifty  dollars,  any  person, 
with  the  approval  of  the  Executive  Council,  may  become  a  Life 
Member." 


Correspondence  in  regard  to  the  American  Catholic  Historical  Association  may  be  sent 
to  any  of  the  officers,  or  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Guilday,  Catholic  University  of  America,  Wash- 
ington,  D.  C. 


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